Thursday, May 14, 2015

Ten ("A person who has not made his great contribution to science before the age of 30 will never do so." - Nguyen Einstein Money)

"I Knock Hoes Out Like Cassius Clay" - St. Nick The Pimp

AGGRESSION SESSION
Critics of evolutionary psychology often claim that evolutionary psychological explanations are "untestable" and "unfalsifiable." As but one perfect example of eminent testability and falsifiability of evolutionary psychological explanations we offer two competing explanations of domestic violence, formulated by the two deans of modern evolutionary psychology (who happen to be married to each other, no less).

When Martin Daly and Margo Wilson began studying domestic violence and uxoricide (the killing of one's wife) in the early 1980s, they had competing explanations. Daly hypothesized that domestic violence and uxoricide resulted when the husband did not value his wife sufficiently and mistreated her as a result. Since a wife's fertility and reproductive value decline with age, Daly predicted that older wives were at a greater risk of spousal abuse and homicide than younger wives. Wilson, in contrast, hypothesized that domestic violence and uxoricide were a maladaptive byproduct of the husband's inclination and tendency to guard his wife to make sure that she did not have sexual contact with other men. Because men should be more motivated to guard younger, more valuable wives, Wilson predicted that younger wives were at greater risk of spousal abuse and homicide than older wives.  
"GIVE 'EM ALL BLACC EYEZ" - G00GI3 "THE C00KI3" M0NSTA (FAMILY MANE)
 Image result for age of female mate domestic violence

"BITCHEZ WALK AROUND WIT BlACC EYEZ CUZ I'M GIVIN' EM" - ALPHA BETA BOSSALINI (P. I. M. P.)!

Both explanations use impeccable evolutionary psychological logic and derive from known facts, but both predictions could not be true simultaneously. So Daly and Wilson got to work as the good scientists they are, collecting data on domestic violence and uxoricide in Canada and the United States, and putting the two competing predictions to the empirical test. Their data showed that younger wives were at much greater risk of violence and murder than older wives. In the end, Wilson's prediction turns out to be true, and Daly's false. Is evolutionary psychology untestable and unfalsifiable? 

Astute readers may be thinking now, "But younger women are usually married to younger men. And younger men are more violent than older men, as you point out in your discussion of the age-crime curve (see "What Do Bill Gates and Paul McCartney Have in Common with Criminals?" above). So younger women are at a greater risk of spousal abuse and murder, not because they are young but because their husbands are young and therefore more violent."

Close, but no cigar. While it is difficult to separate the effects of the husband's age and the wife's age, careful statistical analyses show that the wife's age almost entirely determines the likelihood of being a victim of spousal abuse and homicide. Middle-aged husbands (ages 45-54) legally married in Canada to much younger wives (ages 15-24) are more than six times as likely to kill their wives than young husbands (ages 15-24) married to women of similar age. Among common-law marriages, middle-aged husbands married to much younger wives are more than 45 times as likely to kill their wives as young husbands. The effect of the wife's age is so powerful that it overrides and even reverses a man's tendency to become less violent with age. Thus while it is true that younger men in general are much more violent and commit more murders than older men, young and old men kill different types of people. Young men kill other men (their male sexual rivals); older men kill their wives. As a result, the proportion of men among murder victims declines as the murderer's age increases. For murderers aged 15-19, 86.3 percent of the victims are males; for murderers aged 65-69, only 51.4 percent of them are males.  

From the evolutionary psychological perspective, spousal abuse is an extreme, maladaptive, and largely unintended consequence of a man's desire for mate-guarding. Because of the possibility of cuckoldry (unwittingly investing in someone else's genetic offspring), men are strongly motivated to guard their mates to make sure that they do not have sexual access to other men. And they use any means, including intimidation and violence, to achieve this goal. Unfortunately, sometimes their adaptive strategy of mate-guarding goes too far and results in a maladaptive outcome of spousal abuse and even murder. Because young women are reproductively more valuable than older women, men are more motivated to protect and guard their younger wives than their older wives, with the unfortunate consequence that younger wives are at a greater risk of spousal abuse than older wives. This is why it is the wife's age, not the husband's, that predicts the likelihood of spousal abuse and murder. Even though a 50-year-old man is typically much less violent and criminal than a 25-year-old man, a 50 year-old-man married to a 25-year-old woman is much more likely to abuse and murder his wife than a 25-year-old man married to a 50-year-old woman (although there are very few such couples) or even a 25-year-old man married to a 25-year-old woman


I'LL OUT PHILOSOPHIZE YOU!  -  PETER DAGAMPAT Ph.D.
  Retweeted
At what age do we do our greatest work?
"SEXUAL LUST IS THE DRIVING FORCE BEHIND A LARGE PROPORTION OF HUMAN AMBITION AND STRUGGLE, AND MUCH OF IT CONSTITUTES A MISFIRING." - RICHARD DAWKINS (THE LUST WE HAVE TOWARDS THE OPPOSITE SEX IS REDIRECTED TOWARDS NON-SEXUAL GOALS OFTEN RESULTING IN ADVERSITY, ANGUISH, AND FAILURE TO ATTAIN THOSE GOALS!)
"the sweet spot for original intellectual work is a person's 30s...If you are an intellectual, understand you are working against time. Figure out the most important intellectual problem you think you can help solve and spend your thirties doing that." scholars-stage.blogspot.com/2020/01/why-pu

This is an excellent opportunity for us to shed evolutionary psychological light on a common misunderstanding, since it allows us to shift our attention from a dark topic like domestic violence and apply the same logic to a much lighter topic: the midlife crisis. Many believe that men go through a midlife crisis when they are in midlife (middle age). Not quite. Many middle-aged men do go through midlife crisis, but it's not because they are middle-aged but because their wives are. Just as it is the wife's age, not the husband's, that determines the risk of spousal abuse and murder, it's the wife's age, not the husband's that prompts the constellation of behavior commonly known as a "midlife crisis." From the evolutionary psychology perspective, a man's midlife crisis is precipitated by his wife's imminent menopause and the end of her reproductive career, and thus his renewed need to attract younger, reproductive women. Accordingly, a 50-year-old man married married to a 25-year-old woman would not go through a midlife crisis, while a 25-year-old man married to a 50-year-old woman would, just like a typical 50-year-old man married to a 50-year-old woman would. It is not his midlife that matters; it is hers. So when he buys a shiny red sports car, he's not trying to regain his youth; he's trying to attract young women to replace his menopausal wife by trumpeting his flash and cash.  

Why Beautiful People Have More Daughters: From Dating, Shopping, and Praying to Going to War and Becoming a Billionaire. Kanazawa, Miller, p. 137-140.
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AGE-CRIME-GENIUS CURVE 
https://labs.la.utexas.edu/buss/files/2015/09/Evolutionary-psychology-and-crime.pdf
Criminal behaviors such as robbery, assault, rape, and murder comprise a subset of human behavior. They occur at non-trivial rates in all known cultures in predictable patterns. For example, in every culture, criminal behavior such as sexual assault, non-lethal violence, and homicide shows cross-culturally predictable age and sex distribution (Daly & Wilson, 1988). These forms of criminal behavior are perpetrated many times more by males than by females. They increase dramatically when males enter reproductive competition. And they decline with age such that male rates approach female rates in older age. These forms of criminal conduct also occur at predictably higher rates among unmarried men compared to married men, and among men lacking resources more than among women lacking resources.

It is noteworthy, for example, that although women are more likely than men to suffer from being financially impoverished, poor men are far more likely than poor women to commit crimes such as robbery and mugging to procure resources. These are all key findings about which evolutionary psychology can shed causal light. Consider these findings generated by evolutionary psychology: (1) Women worldwide place a greater premium on resources in potential mates than do men (Buss, 1989); (2) Men consequently are known to engage in greater competition for access to the resources that women want (Buss, 2003); (3) Men lacking resources have greater difficulty than men with resources in attracting mates; (4) Engaging in crimes such as theft and robbery to acquire resources is likely to be a male-dominated activity in all cultures. Without knowledge of sex differences in mate preferences, which in turn produce sex differences in the battlefields of same-sex competition for mates, the finding that poor women are far less likely than poor men to commit crimes of purloining the resources of others would remain inexplicable.

Since criminal behavior forms a predictable subset of human behavior; and all human behavior requires psychological mechanisms for its production; and all psychological mechanisms, at some level of description, owe their existence to evolution by selection; then evolved psychological mechanisms necessarily play a key causal role in the production of criminal behavior. 

Exploitative Resource Acquisition Strategies

At a highly general level of description, humans and other organisms have three fundamental strategies for acquiring resources that are critical to survival and reproduction (Buss & Duntley, 2008). The first is individual or solo resource acquisition. A woman gathering fruits or nuts, a man engaged in solo hunting, or either sex sowing seeds for a summer harvest are examples of individual resource acquisition strategies. A second is cooperative resource acquisition strategies. Two or more individuals form cooperative alliances or coalitions that often result in acquiring more collective resources than any individual could have acquired alone. A coalitional hunting party, for example, has a far better chance of taking down a large game animal than any individual alone, and doing so with far less risk.

A third class of resource acquisition strategies, one that cross-cuts the first two, is best described as exploitative resource acquisition (Buss & Duntley, 2008). Exploitative resource acquisition entails procuring resources by taking them from other people through tactics of threat, coercion, force, terrorism, deception, manipulation, violence, or murder. Exploitative resource acquisition tactics can be performed either by individuals, cooperative dyads, or coalitions (e.g., gangs; war parties), and hence crosscut individual and cooperative resource acquisition strategies.

Most criminal behavior falls within the domain of exploitative resource acquisition strategies. If adaptations for exploitation have evolved in humans, as Buss and Duntley (2008) propose, then evolutionary psychology has the potential to make important contributions to the causal understanding of criminal behavior, as well as for individual and societal strategies for dealing with it.
What Bill Gates and Paul McCartney have in common with criminals
 
For nearly a quarter of a century, criminologists have known about the "age-crime curve." In every society at all historical times, the tendency to commit crimes and other risk-taking behavior rapidly increases in early adolescence, peaks in late adolescence and early adulthood, rapidly decreases throughout the 20s and 30s, and levels off in middle age.

This curve is not limited to crime. The same age profile characterizes every quantifiable human behavior that is public (i.e., perceived by many potential mates) and costly (i.e., not affordable by all sexual competitors). The relationship between age and productivity among male jazz musicians, male painters, male writers, and male scientists—which might be called the "age-genius curve"—is essentially the same as the age-crime curve. Their productivity—the expressions of their genius—quickly peaks in early adulthood, and then equally quickly declines throughout adulthood. The age-genius curve among their female counterparts is much less pronounced; it does not peak or vary as much as a function of age.

Paul McCartney has not written a hit song in years, and now spends much of his time painting. Bill Gates is now a respectable businessman and philanthropist, and is no longer a computer whiz kid. J.D. Salinger now lives as a total recluse and has not published anything in more than three decades. Orson Welles was a mere 26 when he wrote, produced, directed, and starred in Citizen Kane.

A single theory can explain the productivity of both creative geniuses and criminals over the life course: Both crime and genius are expressions of young men's competitive desires, whose ultimate function in the ancestral environment would have been to increase reproductive success.

In the physical competition for mates, those who are competitive may act violently toward their male rivals. Men who are less inclined toward crime and violence may express their competitiveness through their creative activities.

The cost of competition, however, rises dramatically when a man has children, when his energies and resources are put to better use protecting and investing in them. The birth of the first child usually occurs several years after puberty because men need some time to accumulate sufficient resources and attain sufficient status to attract their first mate. There is therefore a gap of several years between the rapid rise in the benefits of competition and similarly rapid rise in its costs. Productivity rapidly declines in late adulthood as the costs of competition rise and cancel its benefits.

These calculations have been performed by natural and sexual selection, so to speak, which then equips male brains with a psychological mechanism to incline them to be increasingly competitive immediately after puberty and make them less competitive right after the birth of their first child. Men simply do not feel like acting violently, stealing, or conducting additional scientific experiments, or they just want to settle down after the birth of their child but they do not know exactly why.

The similarity between Bill Gates, Paul McCartney, and criminals—in fact, among all men throughout evolutionary history—points to an important concept in evolutionary biology: female choice.

Women often say no to men. Men have had to conquer foreign lands, win battles and wars, compose symphonies, author books, write sonnets, paint cathedral ceilings, make scientific discoveries, play in rock bands, and write new computer software in order to impress women so that they will agree to have sex with them. Men have built (and destroyed) civilization in order to impress women, so that they might say yes.     


HEY, LADIES, I'M NOT GONNA BEAT ON YOU BECAUSE YOU'RE UGLY AND/OR OLD AND THUS PAST YOUR REPRODUCTIVE PRIME AND THEREFORE OF NO REPRODUCTIVE VALUE TO ME. AND IF YOU'RE NOT OF ANY REPRODUCTIVE VALUE, WHY WOULD I CARE ABOUT YOU, LET ALONE BEAT YOU? IN OTHER WORDS, I'LL ONLY BEAT ON YOU IF YOU'RE ATTRACTIVE AND IN YOUR REPRODUCTIVE PRIME (AGES 12-28)

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